Framing Effects: How Presentation Changes Meaning
Published by When Notes Fly
https://whennotesfly.com/concepts/communication/framing-effects-communication
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Corrected six attribution and overstatement issues: clarified that the 1981 Asian-disease experiment was part of the body of work for which Kahneman received the 2002 economics Nobel (for integrating psychology into economics), not literally 'included in his Nobel citation'; reframed a specific Kahneman quotation as a paraphrase of a recurring theme in Thinking, Fast and Slow rather than a verified verbatim quote; corrected the random-wheel anchoring study attribution from Epley and Gilovich (2001) to Tversky and Kahneman (1974), with Epley and Gilovich credited for their actual work on insufficient adjustment from self-generated anchors; qualified the gain/loss health-framing (Rothman) asymmetry as real but modest and inconsistent; clarified that the Johnson and Goldstein (2003) organ-donation figures are presumed-consent rates, not actual transplant rates, and that defaults are a major but not sole factor; and softened the claim that framing research caused specific FDA/EMA absolute-risk requirements to 'among the influences behind' clearer risk-communication guidance.
BeforeThe article said the Asian-disease experiment was in Kahneman's Nobel citation, gave an exact Kahneman quotation, attributed the random-wheel anchor study to Epley and Gilovich, presented universal gain/loss health-frame effects, said defaults alone explain organ-donation rates, and said framing research caused FDA and EMA absolute-risk requirements.
AfterCorrected the Nobel framing and the anchoring attribution, reframed the quote as a paraphrase, qualified the health-framing and organ-donation claims, and softened the regulatory-causation claim.
Why: The studies are genuine but were mis-attributed or overstated. Corrections fix attributions (notably the 1974 Tversky-Kahneman wheel study) and scope the claims rather than adding new sources.
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Correction 28 July 2026
Emir Baycan: Corrected six attribution and overstatement issues: clarified that the 1981 Asian-disease experiment was part of the body of work for which Kahneman received the 2002 economics Nobel (for integrating psychology into economics), not literally 'included in his Nobel citation'; reframed a specific Kahneman quotation as a paraphrase of a recurring theme in Thinking, Fast and Slow rather than a verified verbatim quote; corrected the random-wheel anchoring study attribution from Epley and Gilovich (2001) to Tversky and Kahneman (1974), with Epley and Gilovich credited for their actual work on insufficient adjustment from self-generated anchors; qualified the gain/loss health-framing (Rothman) asymmetry as real but modest and inconsistent; clarified that the Johnson and Goldstein (2003) organ-donation figures are presumed-consent rates, not actual transplant rates, and that defaults are a major but not sole factor; and softened the claim that framing research caused specific FDA/EMA absolute-risk requirements to 'among the influences behind' clearer risk-communication guidance.
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